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صفحهٔ اصلی / The Gift That a Wife's Group Gives to Her Husband's Family Is Known as:

The Gift That a Wife's Group Gives to Her Husband's Family Is Known as:

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Money or other grade of wealth paid by a groom or his family to the family of the bride

Bride toll, bridewealth,[1] or helpmate token, is coin, property, or other class of wealth paid by a groom or his family unit to the woman or the family of the woman he will be married to or is just well-nigh to marry. Bride price can be compared to dowry, which is paid to the groom, or used by the bride to aid establish the new household, and dower, which is property settled on the bride herself by the groom at the time of marriage. Some cultures may practice both dowry and bride price simultaneously. Many cultures skillful helpmate pricing prior to existing records.

The tradition of giving bride toll is practised in many Asian countries, the Center East, parts of Africa and in some Pacific Island societies, notably those in Melanesia. The amount irresolute hands may range from a token to keep the traditional ritual, to many thousands of US dollars in some marriages in Thailand, and equally much as a $100,000 in exceptionally large helpmate prices in parts of Papua New Guinea where bride price is customary.

Function [edit]

Bridewealth is commonly paid in a currency that is not mostly used for other types of exchange. According to French anthropologist Philippe Rospabé, its payment does therefore non entail the purchase of a adult female, as was thought in the early twentieth century. Instead, information technology is a purely symbolic gesture acknowledging (but never paying off) the married man's permanent debt to the wife's parents.[2]

Dowries exist in societies where capital is more valuable than manual labor. For instance, in Heart Ages Europe, the family unit of a bride-to-be was compelled to offer a dowry — land, cattle and money — to the family of the hubby-to-exist. Bridewealth exists in societies where manual labor is more of import than uppercase. In Sub-Saharan Africa where land was abundant and there were few or no domesticated animals, transmission labor was more valuable than majuscule, and therefore bridewealth dominated.

An evolutionary psychology explanation for dowry and helpmate cost is that bride price is mutual in polygynous societies which have a relative scarcity of available women. In monogamous societies where women have petty personal wealth, dowry is instead common since there is a relative scarcity of wealthy men who can choose from many potential women when marrying.[three]

Historical usage [edit]

Mesopotamia [edit]

The Code of Hammurabi mentions bride price in various laws as an established custom. Information technology is not the payment of the helpmate toll that is prescribed, merely the regulation of various aspects:

  • a man who paid the bride toll but looked for another helpmate would not go a refund, but he would if the male parent of the helpmate refused the friction match
  • if a wife died without sons, her begetter was entitled to the return of her dowry, minus the value of the bride price.[iv]

Jewish tradition [edit]

The Torah discusses the practise of paying a bride price to the father of a virgin at Shemot (Exodus) 22:16-17 (JPS translation): "And if a human being entice a virgin that is not betrothed, and lie with her, he shall surely pay a dowry for her to be his married woman. If her male parent utterly turn down to give her unto him, he shall pay money according to the dowry of virgins." Devarim (Deuteronomy) 22:28-29 similarly states, "If a man discover a dryad that is a virgin, that is not matrimonial, and lay hold on her, and prevarication with her, and they exist found; then the homo that lay with her shall give unto the dryad'southward father fifty shekels of silver, and she shall exist his wife, because he hath humbled her; he may not put her away all his days."

Jewish law in ancient times insisted upon the matrimonial couple signing a ketubah, a formal contract. The ketubah provided for an amount to exist paid by the married man in the event he divorced his wife (i.e. if he gives her a become; women cannot divorce their husbands in orthodox Jewish law); or by his estate in the outcome of his decease. The provision in the ketubah replaced the bride toll tradition recited in the Torah, which was payable at the time of the marriage past the groom.

This innovation came about because the helpmate price created a major social trouble: many immature prospective husbands could non heighten the amount at the time when they would normally be expected to marry. So, to enable these immature men to marry, the rabbis, in effect, delayed the time that the amount would be payable, when they would exist more than probable to accept the sum. The object in either case was financial protection for the wife should the husband die, divorce her or disappear. The only difference betwixt the two systems was the timing of the payment.

In fact, the rabbis were so insistent on the bride having the "benefit of the ketubah" that some even described a marriage without ane as being merely concubinage, considering the bride would lack the benefit of the financial settlement in case of divorce or death of the husband; without which the woman and her children could become a burden on the community. Even so, the hubby could reject to pay if a divorce was on account of adultery by the married woman.

To this day in traditional Jewish weddings between opposite-sex couples, the groom gives the helpmate an object of value, such as a wedding ring, to fulfill the requirement in the ketubah.[5] The object given must have a certain minimal value to satisfy the obligation - e.m. information technology cannot be a prize out of a Cracker Jack box, but, modernly, the value is otherwise nominal and symbolic.

Ancient Hellenic republic [edit]

Some of the spousal relationship settlements mentioned in the Iliad and Odyssey propose that bride toll was a custom of Homeric social club. The linguistic communication used for various marriage transactions, however, may blur distinctions betwixt bride price and dowry, and a third practice called "indirect dowry," whereby the groom easily over property to the bride which is then used to institute the new household.[6] : 177 "Homeric order" is a fictional construct involving legendary figures and deities, though drawing on the historical customs of diverse times and places in the Greek world.[6] : 180 At the time when the Homeric epics were equanimous, "primitive" practices such as helpmate toll and polygamy were no longer part of Greek gild. Mentions of them preserve, if they have a historical basis at all, community dating from the Age of Migrations (c. 1200–m BC) and the two centuries following.[6] : 185

In the Iliad, Agamemnon promises Achilles that he can take a bride without paying the bride price (Greek hednon), instead receiving a dowry (pherne).[six] : 179 [7] In the Odyssey, the to the lowest degree arguable references to helpmate price are in the spousal relationship settlements for Ctimene, the sister of Odysseus;[8] Pero, the girl of Neleus, who demanded cattle for her;[9] and the goddess Aphrodite herself, whose husband Hephaestus threatens to make her father Zeus return the bride price given for her, considering she was cheating.[6] : 178 It is possible that the Homeric "bride toll" is office of a reciprocal commutation of gifts between the prospective husband and the bride's father, but while souvenir substitution is a central practice of aristocratic friendship and hospitality, it occurs rarely, if at all, in connexion with marriage arrangements.[6] : 177–178

Islamic police [edit]

Islamic police force commands a groom to requite the helpmate a gift called a Mahr prior to the consummation of the marriage. A mahr differs from the standard meaning of bride-toll in that it is non to the family of the helpmate, just to the wife to keep for herself; it is thus more accurately described every bit a dower. In the Qur'an, it is mentioned in chapter iv, An-Nisa, verse 4 as follows:

And requite to the women (whom you marry) their Mahr [obligatory bridal money given by the husband to his wife at the time of spousal relationship] with a good heart; but if they, of their own good pleasance, remit any office of it to y'all, accept it and savour information technology without fear of any harm (equally Allah has made it lawful). Useful information well-nigh bridal dowry in Iran

Morning gifts [edit]

Morning gifts, which might be arranged past the bride's father rather than the bride, are given to the helpmate herself. The name derives from the Germanic tribal custom of giving them the morn after the wedding dark. The adult female might have control of this morning souvenir during the lifetime of her husband, but is entitled to information technology when widowed. If the amount of her inheritance is settled by law rather than agreement, it may be called dower. Depending on legal systems and the exact arrangement, she may not be entitled to dispose of information technology after her death, and may lose the property if she remarries. Morn gifts were preserved for many centuries in morganatic marriage, a union where the wife'southward inferior social condition was held to prohibit her children from inheriting a noble'southward titles or estates. In this case, the morning gift would support the wife and children. Another legal provision for widowhood was jointure, in which belongings, oft land, would be held in articulation tenancy, and then that it would automatically go to the widow on her husband'southward decease.

Contemporary [edit]

Africa [edit]

In parts of Africa, a traditional marriage ceremony depends on payment of a bride toll to exist valid. In Sub-Saharan Africa, bride toll must be paid beginning in order for the couple to get permission to marry in church or in other ceremonious ceremonies, or the matrimony is non considered valid past the bride's family. The amount can vary from a token to a groovy sum, existent manor and other values. Lobolo (or Lobola, sometimes also known equally Roora) is the same tradition in most cultures in Southern Africa Xhosa, Shona, Venda, Zulu, Ndebele etc. The amount includes a few to several herd of cattle, goats and a sum of coin depending on the family unit. The cattle and goats constitute an integral office of the traditional marriage for ceremonial purposes during and after the original marriage anniversary.

The animals and money are not ever paid all at one time. Depending on the wealth of the groom he and his family tin can enter into a not written contract with the bride's family similar to the Jewish Ketubah, in which he promises to pay what he owes within a specified catamenia of time. This is washed to let young men who do not have much to marry while they work towards paying off the helpmate price besides as raising a family unit or wait for their ain sisters and aunts to get married so they in turn can utilize the amounts received to offset their debts to their in-laws. This corporeality must be paid by his family in the event he is incapacitated or dies. It is considered a family debt of honor.

In some societies, spousal relationship is delayed until all payments are made. If the wedding occurs before all payments are made, the condition is left ambiguous.[10] The bride price tradition can have destructive effects when young men don't have the ways to marry. In strife-torn South Sudan, many immature men steal cattle for this reason, often risking their lives.[11] In mid twentieth century Gabonese republic a person'due south whole life can be governed by the money affairs connected with marriage; to secure a married woman for their son, parents brainstorm to pay installments for a girl of merely a few years; from the side of the wife's family there begins a process of squeezing which goes on for years.[12]

In the African Great Lakes country of Republic of uganda, the MIFUMI Project[13] held a referendum in Tororo in 2001 on whether a bride cost should exist a not-refundable gift. In 2004, information technology held an international conference on the bride price in Kampala, Republic of uganda. It brought together activists from Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, Rwanda and S Africa to discuss the effect that payment of helpmate price has on women. Delegates besides talked about ways of eliminating this exercise in Africa and elsewhere. Information technology also issued a preamble position in 2008.[14] In 2007 MIFUMI took the Uganda Government to the Constitutional Court wishing the court to dominion that the do of Helpmate Price is un-constitutional. Especially information technology was complained, that the bride price once taken, should not be refundable if the couple should go a divorce.

The MIFUMI petition on helpmate price was decided in 2010 by the Constitutional Courtroom of Uganda when four judges to one (with Justice Tumwesigye dissenting) upheld the constitutionality of bride toll (Encounter Ramble Court of Uganda (2010) Mifumi (U) Ltd & 12 Others v Attorney General, Kenneth Kakuru (Ramble Petition No.12 Of 2007) [2010] UGCC 2 (26 March 2010). This was despite finding that certain elements of the custom of bride price, such equally the need for refund, was not only unconstitutional simply also criminal. However all was not lost because the case significantly advanced African jurisprudence, particularly in the views of the judges expressed obiter dicta in their judgements.

More importantly, MIFUMI appealed and in 2015 the Supreme Court of Republic of uganda ruled that the custom of bride price refund was unconstitutional and therefore outlawed (Meet (Encounter Supreme Court of Uganda (2015) Mifumi (U) Ltd & Anor Vs Attorney General & Anor (Constitutional Appeal No. 02 of 2014) [2015] UGSC 13).

As the post-obit will evidence, helpmate price far from being a concern of a far removed NGO such equally MIFUMI, has been an issue for women in the transition from colonialism to nation-building. In his article 'Bride Wealth (Toll) and Women'due south Marriage – Related Rights in Uganda: A Historical Ramble Perspective and Electric current Developments', the legal scholar Jamil Ddamulira Mujuzi, in analyses the MIFUMI petition argues that "had the Court considered international law, especially the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women's concluding observation on Uganda's May 2009 report to the aforementioned Committee, it would probably take ended that the practise of bride wealth is against Republic of uganda's international human rights obligations" (Mujuzi, 2010, p. i). Mujuzi also argues that had the Ramble Court considered the history of bride price in Uganda, they would have realised that the issue of bride price had appeared in the context of the drafting history of the Constitution of Uganda.

As well every bit failing to observe the constitution and bring Uganda into line with international rulings on the treatment of women, the court failed to revisit arguments relating to bride price put forrad during before family police reforms (Kalema, 1965) and ramble reforms (Odoki, 1995). During the Commission of Enquiry into Women'southward Condition in Spousal relationship and Divorce (Kalema, 1965), only one of the six commissioners was a woman, and the sampling of opinions on the issue was heavily biased in favour of men. This was reflected in one of the main recommendations of the commission, namely the retentivity of bride wealth, despite strong complaints by women almost the practice (Tamale, 1993, as cited in Oloka and Tamale, 1995, p. 725).

The 2d opportunity where law reform could accept had a positive affect was during the constitution-making process in the early 1990s, when the Constitutional Committee recorded the arguments for and against the practice of helpmate toll, but recommended its retention equally a cultural practice. Over again, some delegates, especially women, called for bride price to be abolished, merely their arguments did not attract much attention, and almost men supported its retentiveness. Far from this existence a new instance by a human rights NGO, all the ingredients whereby MIFUMI was to challenge the constitutionality of the practice of bride price had already been laid down during this consultative procedure, but women'south voices were silenced.

MIFUMI appealed to the Supreme Court confronting the determination of the Constitutional Court that dismissed their petition (See Supreme Court of Uganda (2015) Mifumi (U) Ltd & Anor Vs Attorney General & Anor (Constitutional Appeal No. 02 of 2014) [2015] UGSC 13. On 6 August 2015, by a bulk of six to one (with Justice Kisaakye dissenting), the Supreme Court judges unanimously declared the custom of refunding bride price on the dissolution of a customary marriage was ruled unconstitutional. Nonetheless, it also ruled that held that bride price does not fetter the free consent of persons intending to marry, and consequently, is non in violation of Article 31(iii) of the Constitution. Accordingly, our appeal partly succeeded and partly failed.

On the issue of refund, Justice Tumwesigye further held: "In my view, information technology is a contradiction to say that bride price is a gift to the parents of the bride for nurturing her, then have as proper demand for a refund of the gift at the dissolution of union" (MIFUMI Case 2015, p. 44). He added that:

"The custom of refund of bride price devalues the worth, respect and nobility of a adult female; ... ignores the contribution of the woman to the matrimony up to the time of its breakdown; ... is unfair to the parents and relatives of the woman when they are asked to refund the bride price after years of marriage; ... may keep the woman in an abusive marital relationship for fear that her parents may be in problem owing to their inability to refund helpmate price; ... and makes spousal relationship contingent on a tertiary political party." (MIFUMI Instance 2015, pp. 44–46)

Justice Kisaakye agreed: "Given the dire consequences that a woman, her family unit and partner may face from a married man who is demanding refund of his bride toll, it is not far-fetched to envisage that the requirement to refund bride price may strength women to remain in abusive/failed marriage against their will" (p. 68).

In his analysis of the MIFUMI case, the legal scholar Professor Chuma Himonga (2017, p. 2), compares bride price to lobola in South Africa, and concludes that "Essentially, the judgment confirms that bride price has both positive and negative consequences with respect to women's rights". He added that "Mifumi dealt with a very important custom in customary marriage - the payment of lobola towards the institution of a union, and its repayment at the determination and dissolution of a marriage. This custom is one of the about contested aspects of customary marriages from the perspective of women'south rights".

The decision of the Supreme Court to outlaw bride cost refund was a major stride forrard in the advancement of women's rights. This was a landmark ruling that set a precedent throughout Africa, where helpmate price had not been challenged as a human rights issue in a court of law. Though the decision was conservative in upholding that helpmate price per se is constitutional, and in this regard yielded just incremental progress, its outlawing of bride price refund will act every bit a catalyst for other human rights demands that are implicit in such issues as polygamy, wife inheritance and FGC. Withal the event lent weight to the argument that society is the first to alter, and it's only after that the constabulary catches up with it.

In the Supreme Court, Justice Tumwesigye in his lead judgement acknowledged that the commercialisation of bride price "has as well served to undermine respect for the custom" (MIFUMI Case, 2015, p. 26). Justice Tumwesigye also best-selling that the issue of parents in some Ugandan communities removing their under-historic period daughters from school and forcing them to ally in society to become their children's bride price had been widely reported past NGOs concerned with children's welfare, and given all-encompassing coverage by the media; he agreed that information technology reflected poorly on police force enforcement agencies.

However, whether bride price can be a positive affair remains questionable. I would back up Mujuzi (2010) when he says that to protect such women, it is important that Uganda "domesticates" international police. Although Uganda ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination confronting Women in 1985, at the fourth dimension of writing it has yet to domesticate that treaty. Mujuzi argues that unlike the constitutions of South Africa and Republic of malaŵi, which expressly require courts to refer to international law when interpreting the respective Nib of Rights, the Ugandan Constitution has no such requirement. He recommends that Uganda should amend its constitution accordingly. Such an subpoena would ensure that one need non rely on the discretion of the presiding gauge to decide whether or not to refer to international police.

Changing customary constabulary on helpmate price in Uganda is difficult as information technology is guarded past society, which is especially in the rural areas approving its relevance. The whole civilisation of the People of Ankole is deeply continued to the institution of bride toll. Its custom connects families for a lifetime and women are proud on the extremely high value they receive, comparing to the Baganda or the Rwandese. It is not rare, that the groom has to give his helpmate huge amounts of cattle and also a house, car and other property. Of course depending on the "value" of the bride (schooling, degrees) just also on his ain possibilities. This corresponds with the helpmate price community in China; the rich one has to requite - otherwise it tin can be even taken by the brides family forcefully. On the other mitt, a rich human marrying an educated adult female, who has spent millions on her instruction in the expensive Ugandan education system, are willing and proud to "show up" and pay. To testify the whole world - and especially the whole family unit of the helpmate - who they are and what richness they accomplished. It's a question of accolade. But there are too others, who have loans to be paid dorsum within many years, just to marry the woman they love. In other instances, people marry at an advanced age, equally they still demand more than time to larn enough property to marry their wives officially. Customary police force is also considered more than just helpmate cost but other rituals and ceremonies that enrich Ugandan cultures.

Of grade, next to constitutional changes, changes in customary police would exist necessary to abolish the practice.[fifteen] And customary law is not changeable past decision, merely develops itself alone.

In sub-Saharan Africa, the visits between families to negotiate the bride cost are traditional customs that are considered by many Africans to be central to African marriage and society. The negotiations themselves have been described as the crucial component of the practise equally they provide the families of the bride and groom the opportunity to meet and forge of import bonds. The price itself, independent on his value, is symbolic, although the custom has too been described as "the license of owning a family in the African institution of marriage".[16] In some African cultures, the toll of a helpmate is connected with her reputation and esteem in the customs (Ankole, Tooro), an aspect that has been by foreighners criticized as demeaning to women. In some African cultures, such as the Fang people in Equatorial Guinea, and some regions in Uganda, the price is considered the "purchase price" of a married woman. One betoken of critics says, that the husband so might exercise economic control over her.

The majority ethnic group of Republic of equatorial guinea, the Fang people exercise the bride price custom in a way that subjugates women who find themselves in an unhappy union. Divorce has a social stigma among the Fang, and in the event that a woman intends to leave her married man, she is expected to return the goods initially paid to her family. If she is unable to pay the debt, she tin exist imprisoned. Although women and men in theory have equal inheritance rights, in practice men are normally the ones to inherit holding. This economic disadvantage reinforces women's lack of liberty and lower social status.[17]

The mutual term for the system in southern Africa is lobolo, from the Nguni linguistic communication, a term often used in key and western Africa equally well. Elders controlled the marriage arrangements. In S Africa, the custom survived colonial influences, but was transformed by capitalism. One time immature men began working in mines and other colonial businesses, they gained the means to increase the lobolo, leading elders to increase the value required for lobolo in order to maintain their control.[18]

It is also practised past Muslims in North Africa and is called Mahr.

Asia [edit]

Southwest asia [edit]

Assyrians, who are indigenous people of Western Asia, commonly practice the bride price (niqda) custom. The tradition would involve the bridegroom's family unit paying to the father of the helpmate. The amount of money of the niqda is reached past negotiation between groups of people from both families. The social state of the groom's family influences the amount of the bridewealth that ought to be paid. When the matter is settled to the delectation of both menages, the groom'due south father may kiss the hand of the bride's father to express his benevolent regard and gratitude. These situations are usually filmed and incorporated within the wedding video. Folk music and dancing is accompanied after the payment is done, which normally happens on the doorstep, before the helpmate leaves her home with her escort (ordinarily a male person family member who would and then walk her into the church).[nineteen] It is still practised by Muslims in the region and is called Mahr.

Central Asia [edit]

In many parts of Cardinal Asia nowadays, bride cost is by and large symbolic. Various names for it in Central Asia include Kazakh: қалыңмал [qaləɴmal], Kyrgyz: калың [qɑlɯ́ŋ], Uzbek: qalin [qalɨn], and Russian: калым [kɐˈɫɨm]. Information technology is too common in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.[20] The price may range from a small-scale sum of money or a unmarried slice of livestock to what amounts to a herd of livestock, depending on local traditions and the expectations and agreements of the families involved.[21] The tradition is upheld in Afghanistan. A "dark distortion" of information technology involved a 6-year-old daughter of an Afghan refugee from Helmand Province in a Kabul refugee camp, who was to be married to the son of the coin lender who provided with the girl's father $2500 so the man could pay medical bills. Co-ordinate to anthropologist Deniz Kandiyoti, the exercise increased later on the fall of the Taliban.[22] Information technology is yet practised by Muslims in the region and is called Mahr.

Thailand [edit]

In Thailand, bride price—sin sod [23] (Thai: สินสอด, pronounced [sĭn sòt] and oft erroneously referred to past the English term "dowry") is mutual in both Thai-Thai and Thai-foreign marriages. The bride price may range from nothing—if the woman is divorced, has a child fathered by another human, or is widely known to have had premarital relations with men—to tens of millions of Thai baht (U.s.$300,000 or ~9,567,757 THB) for a woman of high social standing, a beauty queen, or a highly educated woman. The bride price in Thailand is paid at the engagement ceremony, and consists of three elements: cash, Thai (96.5 per centum pure) gold, and the more than recent Western tradition of a diamond band. The most commonly stated rationale for the bride price in Thailand is that information technology allows the groom to demonstrate that he has plenty fiscal resources to support the bride (and possibly her family) subsequently the wedding. In many cases, especially when the amount is large, the parents of a Thai bride volition return all or part of the bride price to the couple in the form of a wedding gift post-obit the engagement anniversary.

Information technology is also practised by Muslims in Thailand and is called Mahr.

Kachin [edit]

In Kachin society they have the organization of Mayu and Dama. "Mayu" means a group of people who requite woman and "Dama" ways a group of people who take woman. The "bride wealth" system is extremely important for kinship system in Kachin gild and has been used for centuries. The purpose of giving "bride wealth" is to award the wife giver "Mayu" and to create a stiff relationship. The exact details of the "bride wealth" system vary by time and place. In Kachin society, bride wealth is required to exist given past wife taker "Dama" to wife giver "Mayu." Kachin ancestors thought that if wife takers "Dama" gave a large bride toll to married woman giver "Mayu"; information technology meant that they honored the helpmate and her family, and no 1 would expect downward on the groom and helpmate.[24]

People's republic of china [edit]

In traditional Chinese civilisation, an auspicious date is selected to ti qin (simplified Chinese: 提亲; traditional Chinese: 提親; lit. 'suggest matrimony'), where both families volition run across to hash out the amount of the bride price (Chinese: 聘金; pinyin: pìn jīn ) demanded, amidst other things. Several weeks earlier the actual wedding, the ritual of guo da li (simplified Chinese: 过大礼; traditional Chinese: 過大禮; lit. 'going through the great ceremony') takes place (on an auspicious engagement). The groom and a matchmaker volition visit the bride'due south family unit bearing gifts similar wedding cakes, sweetmeats and jewelry, also equally the helpmate price. On the actual wedding mean solar day, the bride's family will return a portion of the bride price (sometimes in the form of dowry) and a gear up of gifts as a goodwill gesture.

Bride prices vary from CN¥ ane,000,000 in famously money-centric[25] [26] Shanghai[27] [28] to as little as CN¥ 10,000.[29] [thirty] A house is oft required along with the bride price[31] (an apartment is acceptable, but rentals are not[32]) and a car under both or only the helpmate's proper noun,[28] [xxx] neither of which are counted toward the bride cost itself. In some regions, the helpmate'south family may demand other kinds of gifts,[33] none counted toward the bride price itself. May 18 is a particularly auspicious day on which to pay the bride price and marry equally its Chinese wording is phoenetically similar to "I volition get rich".[27] Bride prices are rising speedily[32] [34] in China [27] largely without documentation simply a definite verbal and cultural understanding of where bride prices are today. Gender inequality in China has increased contest for e'er higher bride prices.[35] Fiscal distress is an unacceptable and ignored justification for not paying the bride price. If the grooms' side cannot concur or pay, they or simply the groom himself must notwithstanding pay a bride price [36] thus borrowing from relatives is a popular if not required choice to "save face". Disability to pay is cause for preventing a marriage which either side can equally recommend. Privately, families need helpmate prices due to China's lack of a social security cyberspace[37] and a i child policy which leaves parents with neither retirement funding nor caretaking if their only kid is taken away[38] as brides typically move into the groom'southward residence upon marrying[39] too every bit testing the groom's ability to marry by paying greenbacks [39] and emotionally giving up his resources to the bride.[twoscore] Publicly, families cite bride price as insurance in instance the man abandons or divorces the wife[xl] and that the helpmate cost creates goodwill between families. The groom'due south side should pay more than what the bride's side has demanded[41] to "save face".[35] [42] Amounts preferably follow the usual red envelope conventions though the sum is far more than important.

Changing patterns in the betrothal and marriage procedure in some rural villages of modern Mainland china can exist represented as the following stages: [ dead link ] [43]

  1. Ti qin 提亲, "advise a marriage";
  2. He tian ming 和天命, "Accordance with Sky'due south mandate" (i.e. find a ritually cheering solar day);
  3. Jian mian 见面, "looking in the face up", i.eastward. meeting;
  4. Ding hun 订婚, "being betrothed";
  5. Yao ri zi 要日子, "asking the wifegivers the date of the wedding"; and
  6. Jie xin ren 接新人, "transferring the bride".

It is too practised by Muslims known as Uyghurs in Xinjiang and is called Mahr.

Indian subcontinent [edit]

Information technology is withal practised by Muslims in Bharat, Pakistan and Bangladesh and is called Mahr. In North East India, notably in Assam (the indigenous Assamese ethnic groups) an corporeality or token of helpmate price was and is still given in various forms.

Myanmar [edit]

It is still practised by Muslims, known as Rohingyas in Myanmar, especially in Rakhine State and is chosen Mahr.

Oceania [edit]

Papua New Republic of guinea [edit]

Traditional marriage community vary widely in Papua New Guinea. At one farthermost are moiety (or 'sis exchange') societies, where a homo must have a real or classificatory sis to give in substitution for a wife, but is non required to pay a bride price every bit is understood elsewhere in the country. At the other extreme are resource rich areas of the Papua New Guinea Highlands, where locally traded valuables in the grade of shells and stone axes, were displaced by money and modern articles (including vehicles and white goods) during the 20th century. Extremely high helpmate prices are now paid in the Highlands, where even ordinary hamlet men are expected to draw on their relations to pay their wive's relatives pigs and cash to the value of between $5,000 and $10,000. Where either or both of the couple is university-educated or well-placed in business or politics, the amount paid may escalate to $50,000-$100,000 when items similar a new bus or Toyota 4WD are taken into business relationship. Bride prices may be locally inflated by mining royalties, and are higher nearly the economically more than prosperous national capital, Port Moresby.

For almost couples in about provinces, however, if a bride price is paid, it will amount to up to a dozen pigs, domestic goods, and more amounts of cash.

Solomon Islands [edit]

There is a tradition of payment of bride price on the island of Malaita in the Solomon Islands, although the payment of brideprice is not a tradition on other islands. Malaitan shell-money, manufactured in the Langa Langa Lagoon, is the traditional currency used in Malaita and throughout the Solomon Islands. The money consists of small polished shell disks which are drilled and placed on strings. It can be used as payment for brideprice, funeral feasts and compensation, with the shell-coin having a cash equivalent value. It is also worn as an adornment and status symbol. The standard unit of measurement, known as the tafuliae, is several strands ane.5 m in length. The beat money is still produced past the people of Langa Langa Lagoon, only much is inherited, from father to son, and the erstwhile traditional strings are at present rare.

In fiction [edit]

  • A famous Telugu play Kanyasulkam (Bride Toll) satirised the practice and the brahminical notions that kept information technology live. Though the do no longer exists in India, the play, and the movie based on it, are still extremely pop in Andhra Pradesh.
  • A popular Mormon movie, Johnny Lingo, set in Polynesia, uses the device of a bride price of a shocking amount in ane of its most pivotal scenes.
  • The plot of "A Domicile for the Highland Cattle", a short story by Doris Lessing, hinges on whether a painting of cattle can be accustomed in place of actual cattle for "lobola", bride price in a southern African setting.
  • Nigerian writer Buchi Emecheta wrote a novel titled The Bride Toll (1976).
  • The Silmaril given by Beren to Thingol in Tolkien's legendarium is described past Aragorn in The Fellowship of the Ring equally "the bride price of Lúthien".

See also [edit]

  • Bride services
  • Dowry

References [edit]

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[i]

Further reading [edit]

  • Hirsch, Jennifer S., Wardlow, Holly, Modern loves: the anthropology of romantic courtship & companionate matrimony, Macmillan, 2006. ISBN 0-472-09959-0. Cf. Chapter 1 "Dear and Jewelry", on the bride cost.
  1. ^ Okpara, Kenneth. "Top viii Ethnic Groups in Nigeria With The Cheapest Bride Price". flippstack . Retrieved 25 Oct 2021.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bride_price

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